Institute of International Peace Leaders

United States and Pakistan’s Bilateral Relations

Abstract

The paper examines a complex dynamic of US-Pakistan relations, which have fluctuated between collaboration and tensions since Pakistan’s independence in 1947. Crucial to this investigation are the subsequent research inquiries: What impact have historical occurrences had on US-Pakistan diplomatic and strategic ties? What effects does this relationship have on both countries’ economies and geopolitics of South Asian region? What effects do modern concerns like war on terror and China’s ascent have on bilateral relations? This study uses a mixed-methods approach to methodology. It follows the development of US-Pakistan ties through historical analysis, emphasizing significant occasions such Pakistan’s support of US during the cold war, its involvement in the fight against terrorism, and its reactions to US policy in South Asia. In addition, Pakistan’s strategic decisions are assessed in the light of the interaction with other powerful nations, especially China and India through a comparative study. The research aims to advance knowledge of the subtleties and complexity of US-Pakistan relations by providing policy recommendations for the development of a more stable and advantageous alliance. This research aims to clarify the dynamics of the bilateral relationship and its consequences for regional and global geopolitics by looking at its historical trajectory and contemporary dynamics.

Introduction

The bilateral relationship between the United States and Pakistan is characterized by its complexity and frequent fluctuations, marked by periods of strategic partnership and significant tension. This relationship, spanning over seven decades, has been influenced by a multitude of factors including geopolitical shifts, regional conflicts, and evolving national interests.

Pakistan emerged as a sovereign state in August 1947, and the United States was among the first countries to recognize its independence. The establishment of diplomatic relations was swift, with the American embassy being set up in Karachi. This early phase of engagement set the stage for future interactions, which were often dictated by the broader context of the Cold War.

In the early years of its independence, Pakistan faced the critical decision of aligning with either the Communist or Capitalist blocs. Initially, Pakistan adopted a policy of neutrality. However, economic and security challenges, along with disillusionment with Britain and the Soviet Union, led to a strategic tilt towards the United States. This shift was formalized with the signing of a defense pact in 1954, under which Pakistan received military training and assistance. The subsequent inclusion of Pakistan in SEATO and the Baghdad Pact further solidified this alliance.

The 1960s were marked by strong pro-Western sentiments in West Pakistan, bolstered by substantial military and financial assistance from the United States. This period saw significant economic and military cooperation, although it also laid the groundwork for future tensions, particularly during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 when the U.S. halted aid to Pakistan, leading to economic hardships.

The Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, which resulted in the secession of East Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh, was a pivotal moment in US-Pakistan relations. The United States extended support to Pakistan’s military regime during the conflict, reflecting its strategic interests in countering Soviet influence in the region. However, the subsequent imposition of martial law in Pakistan and the nuclear ambitions of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto strained relations, especially under the administration of President Jimmy Carter.

The end of the Cold War brought new challenges for US-Pakistan relations. The dissolution of the Soviet Union diminished Pakistan’s strategic importance to the United States, leading to the imposition of sanctions under the Pressler Amendment. Throughout the 1990s, Pakistan faced accusations of supporting militant activities and nuclear proliferation, further straining ties with the United States.

The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, marked a significant turning point in US-Pakistan relations. Pakistan became a frontline ally in the US-led War on Terror, providing crucial support in the form of military bases and intelligence cooperation. This period saw a resurgence of US aid and the designation of Pakistan as a major non-NATO ally. However, this alliance was marred by mutual distrust, with frequent accusations against Pakistan of harboring terrorist elements and misusing US aid.

The relationship between the United States and Pakistan remains dynamic and often contentious. High-profile incidents such as the Raymond Davis case, the Abbottabad raid that killed Osama bin Laden, and the NATO attack on Pakistani soldiers have highlighted the fragility of this partnership. Moreover, the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and the resurgence of the Taliban have posed new challenges, prompting Pakistan to carefully navigate its strategic priorities.

Despite the geopolitical tensions, economic and trade relations between the United States and Pakistan have seen significant growth. The US remains one of Pakistan’s largest export markets and a major source of foreign direct investment. Programs like USAID have played a crucial role in supporting Pakistan’s agricultural sector and overall economic development. However, trade relations have also been subject to fluctuations influenced by broader political and security considerations.

The historical trajectory of US-Pakistan relations underscores a pattern of strategic alliances driven by mutual interests, punctuated by periods of significant tension and mistrust. As both nations continue to navigate a complex global landscape, their relationship will likely remain pivotal, shaped by evolving geopolitical dynamics and national interests. Understanding this intricate history is essential for comprehending the current state of affairs and anticipating future developments in US-Pakistan relations.

Literature Review

The research conducted by (Ali and Anwar, 2023) highlighted the dynamic graph of Pak-US security relations marked by cooperation during the cold-war and 9/11 and mistrust during the War on Terror. This study has explained the cyclic nature of the Pak-US relations provided by geographical implications for both sides giving an understanding of bilateral security relations since inception of Pakistan in 1947.

The study done by (Asad, Bukhari, and Sulaiman, 2023) underscored the opportunities and challenges for Pakistan and the US after the return of the Taliban and the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan. Shifts in the political dynamics of both the countries have global effects that are evident in the changing geo-economic relations between the US and Pakistan. This study provides an in-depth analysis of potential economic and trade cooperation between the two states.

In the light of dependency theory, a very strong critical analysis provided by (Khan, 2019) defines the evolving nature of bilateral relations between the US and Pakistan. This study took into consideration the highs and lows in relations of Pakistan with other regional states in the wake of changing relations with the US. The philosophy of core and periphery relations used in this research highlighted the challenges and difficulties faced by Pakistan due to transforming relations with the US regarding trade and economy.

(Kronstadt, 2011) detailed the loopholes in Pak-US bilateral relations referring to uncertainties during Obama administration and Islamic militancy. This research work has reviewed the intense domestic political condition of Pakistan, its security concerns with India and anti-terrorism cooperation with the US. This report has summarized the US-Pak relations in 21st century briefing every aspect of bilateral relations since 1947 and provided a very intuitive overview of Pak-US history.

One of the studies has explored the impact of war on terror and 9/11 on Arabs and Muslims (Sirin et al., 2021). It highlights the profound psychological and social impacts being experienced by the demographic in the face of 9/11 and war on terror. The research emphasized the increase in the levels of anti-Muslim and anti-Arab sentiments, resulting in widespread discrimination against these communities. The study reveals the effects of this discrimination on the mental health of Muslims and Arab families, including highest levels of anxiety and depression.

The study underscores the importance of considering other variables such as gender, race, and social class in order to better understand the impact of such geopolitical changes on Muslims and Arabs.

Cherney and Murphy (2016), in their paper, explored the stigmatization of Muslims as potential terrorist threat, a concept known as suspect community thesis. The paper explored how state security policies and public responses have led to the perception of Muslims as a suspect community, leading to greater surveillance and public scrutiny on them. Findings in the paper have revealed that being labeled as a suspect community influences Muslims’ views of themselves, their faith, and their relationship with the authorities. The authors underscored that this stigmatization has been perpetuated by society and the authorities, influencing Muslims’ self-perception and their participation in the counter terrorism efforts.

Baker (2014), in his article, explored the prevalence of several notable hidden injuries sustained by the veterans including TBI, PTSD and depression. These issues lead to disruptive behaviors, homelessness and family violence. The article predicts that if this situation prevails then the cost of veterans’ care will reach its peak, causing substantial burden on the health care services and resources. The long-term stress, anxiety, depression being expressed by families and children predicts that the effects of this war will resonate across generation

Nourou (2014) in his study has critically examined the impact of foreign aid on non-monetary dimensions of development, addressing often contradictory and inadequate findings regarding the aid’s impact on the GDP growth. His study finds a negative relationship between social development and foreign aid. His analysis indicates that high reliance on foreign aid has adversely impacted social and human development, suggesting that aid reliance may hinder growth in these areas. The study underscores the need of the advanced understanding of aid’s impact, beyond traditional economic metrics, facilitating more effective development policies.

The synopsis “The Indo-US Strategic Relationship and Pakistan’s Security” by (Jaspal, 2007) focuses on the strategic relationships between Pakistan, India, and the United States while discussing how South Asia’s geopolitics are evolving. The article explores the significant shifts in global politics, particularly after the United States rose to prominence in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. It suggests that regional security may be jeopardized by the stronger strategic ties between the US and India, particularly in the fields of missile defense and other military technologies. The essay delves into the realism perspective in international affairs, emphasizing the need for states to operate in a balanced manner. It suggests that in response to Indo-US cooperation, Pakistan would attempt to bolster its defense capabilities and maintain credible deterrence against perceived Indian threats.

(Jabeen, 2023) paper “Indo-US Strategic Nexus: A Threat to Pak Security” in the “Pakistan Journal of International Affairs” examines the growing strategic alliance between the US and India and emphasizes how it affects Pakistan’s security. India and the US have become more allied through cooperative military drills, intelligence sharing, and the transfer of defense technologies, which has shifted the balance of power in the area in India’s favor. This change compromises Pakistan’s strategic standing and may result in a power disparity that ignites a regional arms race. Pakistan’s worries are made worse by the alliance’s support of India’s foreign policy and their long-standing enmity, particularly with regard to Kashmir. The essay posits that although the Indo-US collaboration seeks to foster peace and development in the area, it also poses serious security concerns for Pakistan. The United States should prioritize open communication and confidence-building to address these issues.

The article “US Withdrawal from Afghanistan: Implications for Afghanistan and Pakistan” by (Akbar, 2015) in the “Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences” examines the consequences of the 2014 US withdrawal from Afghanistan, highlighting its implications for both Afghanistan and Pakistan. It addresses the resurgence of the Taliban and other militant groups, which emerged despite a decade of US-led military efforts. The paper discusses the geopolitical and socio-economic impacts on Pakistan, including the strain on its resources and the exacerbation of internal security challenges. Akbar emphasizes the intertwined destinies of Pakistan and Afghanistan, especially in the context of regional stability and counter-terrorism efforts. The study also underscores the necessity of Pakistan’s involvement in any sustainable peace process in Afghanistan, while cautioning against the potential for further regional destabilization if militant threats are not adequately addressed.

The intricate and dynamic dynamics of the world order are highlighted in (Akram, 2023) analysis of “Outlook for the Future, Especially with Respect to Relations with China and the United States,” with a special emphasis on the strategic alliances between the US, China, and Russia. He emphasizes the necessity for lesser nations like Pakistan to carefully negotiate these developments, highlighting the unpredictability and possibility for war in this emerging multipolar world. According to Akram, Pakistan should maintain a balance in its relationships with the US and China, giving China’s long-term strategic cooperation priority without completely severing ties with the US. He emphasizes the vital significance of tackling regional issues, especially those pertaining to Afghanistan and India, and taking use of the chances provided by deeper cooperation with China, notably in the fields of military and new technology. Akram concludes that Pakistan must protect its national interests in an increasingly precarious international environment, aiming to turn challenges into opportunities.

(Naseer, 2024) investigates how concentrating on nontraditional security domains like technology, health, education, and the environment might help the US and Pakistan forge a lasting partnership. Security concerns have historically dominated the bilateral relationship, leading to cyclical patterns of involvement and mistrust. According to Naseer, concentrating on cooperative efforts in technology can promote economic expansion, whilst working together on health-related projects can enhance public health results. Cooperation on climate change can make people more resilient to environmental shocks, and cross-cultural learning can strengthen social and cultural bonds. According to Naseer, this strategy calls for innovative leadership and a persistent dedication to eschewing a security-centric mindset.

Historical Background of US-Pakistan Relations

Early Recognition and Initiation of Diplomatic Relations

United States of America became one of the first countries to extend recognition to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan on August 15, 1947, when President Harry S. Truman sent a congratulatory message to Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Diplomatic relations began between the two and the American embassy was established in Karachi.

Post-Independence Alignments

Soon after independence, Pakistan encountered the challenge of joining either the Communist or Capitalist block. Pakistan being in a state of confusion preferred maintaining neutrality.

Pakistan’s Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan was warmly welcomed by President Truman. Khan’s wife was conferred with an honorary degree by Columbia Kansas. During this state visit, Truman asked Prime Minister Khan to let the CIA formulate a base in Pakistan to watch over Soviet activities closely (Truman Library, n.d.). Pakistan turned down this request because Pakistan pursued the foreign policy of Neutrality.

Meanwhile, Pakistan was an infant state suffering from post-partition problems of finance, security, and economy. Hence, in the initial years after partition, many officials of Pakistan kept visiting the USA with the hope of acquiring financial grants to help Pakistan stand firm on its feet.

In the initial days, Pakistan’s foreign policy was pro-Britain. But, after some disappointments from Britain and the indifferent attitude of the USSR, Pakistan got disillusioned and tilted towards the American Bloc.

Defense Agreements

In 1954, to secure its vulnerable Eastern borders, Pakistan signed a Defense Pact with the USA. Under this Mutual Defense Agreement Pact, a good deal of Pakistani soldiers moved to America for training and the Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) was established by the USA in Rawalpindi.

Later this year Pakistan became a member of SEATO and subsequently the Baghdad Pact (Bhattacharya, 2016). In 1956, President Eisenhower requested Prime Minister Suhrawardy to grant Peshawar Air Station to the American Army to monitor the USSR closely. Being an American ally, this request was entertained and permission was granted (Synergia Foundation, 2017).

The Pro-Western Pakistan

The 1960s marks a decade of pro-Western sentiments in West Pakistan and a smooth flow of military and financial assistance to West Pakistan. This ultimately fueled resentment among East Pakistan.

American financial assistance was a lifesaver for Pakistan during the early decades of Independence. Moreover, the growing communist threat was also a matter of concern. Keeping in view the situation, Ayub Khan granted permission to America to fly a spy mission to the Soviet Union from the territory of Pakistan (Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, 2015).

The US increased the amount of aid to Pakistan, most of it was lost in the war of 1965. Since 1950, the US has provided Pakistan with financial assistance worth $2.1 billion and shipped PL-480 food grains to Pakistan worth $1.1 billion. But, as the 1965 hostilities broke out, the aid from the US was halted which eventually caused Pakistan’s economy to suffer a lot. Hence, Pakistan had to bear the economic and military embargoes imposed by the USA (U.S. Department of State, n.d.).

American Support in 1971

The war of 1971 was an important event in the history of Pakistan and US relations. After General Yahya Khan imposed Martial Law in East Pakistan to prevent further civilian unrest, the USA extended support to President Yahya Khan and refused to condemn the Martial Law stating it was the need of the hour.

In fact, despite the arms embargo, the US through the Bay of Bengal sent nuclear aircraft carriers and authorized arms supplies to West Pakistan. In addition to this, India was publicly pronounced as an aggressor in the war by the USA (Gandhi, 2002).

The US saw India as a Soviet stooge and extended support to Pakistan during the South Asian crisis of 1971. The US viewed Pakistan as a major ally against the Soviets and losing it would be losing at the front with the USSR.

In 1974, when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto assumed power, his closer friendship with Nixon benefited Pakistan more. But President Jimmy Carter, being anti-socialist, imposed nuclear bans, and hence Bhutto’s intentions to seek a nuclear program for Pakistan dwindled. Yet, he managed to enhance his atomic project which was met with serious restrictions by Carter (Malik, 2012).

Bhutto paid no heed to these restrictions which put Pakistan at odds with the US. The period of 1979–88 was marked by cooperation in military and strong economic ties between Pakistan and the US. During this decade, the CIA and ISI launched joint military operations worth billions of dollars to prevent Soviet advancement.

By 1978, Pakistan became the second largest aid recipient from the US. However, the Pressler Amendment strained relations as the purpose of aid being supplied to Pakistan was put into question.

Post-Cold War Challenges

The situation grieved further for Pakistan in 1990 when it lost its importance as a strategic ally of America because the USSR had shattered and the greatest enemy of America was no longer a threat.

As a result, America imposed strict restrictions on Pakistan under the Pressler Amendment. Pakistan was further accused by the US of sponsoring militant attacks in India.

In 1995, Benazir Bhutto made efforts to uplift the embargo by urging Bill Clinton but the efforts remained fruitless. The atomic testing by Pakistan in 1998, though in response to India’s test, was met with serious aggression by Clinton.

Sanctions were imposed on both Pakistan and India under the Glenn Amendment. The restrictions included a ban on any financial assistance and credit to the governments of Pakistan and India along with a ban on funds from the US banks, IMF, and the WB. Later, these restrictions were lifted partially.

The 9/11 and War on Terror

In 2001, one of the longest wars in American history commenced after the World Trade Center and the Pentagon were hit by planes hijacked by terrorists. America identified these terrorists to be from Al-Qaeda and swore to prosecute Osama Bin Laden.

In this context, the US declared a Global War on Terror in which Pakistan again played the role of a strategic ally of America and became a major fighter at the front. Pakistan gave its military bases to America to launch operations in Afghanistan.

However, there comes a fact worth noticing that Pakistan was forced to be a part of it as stated by Musharraf that the US warned to bomb Pakistan back to the Stone Age if it remained reluctant to be a part of the War on Terror (BBC News, 2006).

Paying regard to Pakistan’s relevant cooperation, all bans under the Pressler and Glenn Amendments were lifted and a loan worth $1 billion was granted to Pakistan as a gesture of goodwill. Subsequently, Pakistan was officially designated as a non-NATO ally of the US in 2004.

Since the War on Terror, the air of mistrust has spread between America and Pakistan. Pakistan has been frequently accused of using the war aid for defense purposes, supporting the Taliban and sheltering Al-Qaeda.

Pakistan has often questioned the American drone attacks in the western areas of Pakistan in the name of the War on Terror as it was perceived to be a violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity (Hussain, 2005).

Relations were strained when Hillary Clinton warned Pakistan of the consequences if it failed to stop the operation of the Haqqani Network. In 2010, the US commended Pakistan for its joint efforts to capture one of the biggest Taliban leaders, Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar (Sanger, 2010).

Impacts of War on Terror

On September 11, 2001, several terrorist attacks took place in the United States targeting major buildings. This event is also known as 9/11, resulting in the killing of nearly 3,000 people.

United States accused Al-Qaeda, a militant Islamist organization headed by Osama bin Laden, of conducting this attack. In response, United States and its allies launched a Global War on Terror against all terrorist organizations and activities.

The primary target of this campaign was Al-Qaeda and its affiliates and to prevent the emergence of new threats. As a part of this War on Terror, United States and its allies conducted military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, improved counterterrorism efforts, expanded surveillance and law enforcement powers through enacting laws, and promoted international cooperation for information exchange and support to countries combating terrorism.

War on Terror is controversial, having debates over its effectiveness, impacts on human rights, civil liberties, and legality.

Post-9/11 efforts of Bush administration prioritized the formulation of international security that detached and separated human rights from security concerns. The gap between international security and human rights was manifested in several ways such as United States government’s hostility towards International Criminal Court (ICC) and various bilateral agreements done by US which provided special conditions to US soldiers, exempting them from prosecution, in an effort to undermine ICC (Wilson, 2005).

The reorientation of US foreign policy away from multilateral institutions already began in early 2001 but accelerated after 9/11. The military interventions after 9/11 put less emphasis on the establishment of rule of law, accountability and human rights in the war-ravaged states of Afghanistan and Iraq as compared to the humanitarian interventions of 1990s.

Efforts of making the world safe from terrorism gradually became seen as opposing and antithetical to strong human rights institutions.

Since 9/11, anti-Arab and anti-Muslim sentiments grew to the highest levels. The War on Terror made Muslims and Arabs easy targets of western traditional media and social media. Islamophobia has been seen to reach its peak after 9/11.

The ongoing terrorist attacks in United States and Europe ignited fear, further exacerbating anti-Arab and anti-Muslim rhetoric. Several public surveys have shown that European and United States locals have more hostile and negative feelings towards Muslims and Arabs than any other group (Sirin et al., 2021).

Moreover, following the 9/11 years, there has been an increase in the number of hate crimes targeting Muslims and Arabs. Targeted families and children suffered painfully from the effects of War on Terror. However, they responded differently; some responded with resistance and optimism while others responded with fear and anxiety.

Several studies conducted in the United States, Canada, and Europe have shown the discriminatory behavior being experienced by Muslim students there. A study conducted in the United States has shown that about 35 percent of Muslim students between the ages of 11 to 18 experienced cyberbullying with aggressive posts about Islam and Muslims.

A similar trend was observed in Canada, where Muslim undergraduate students experienced derogatory comments about Islam from teachers and fellow students as well as exclusion from social groups in the face of terrorist attacks (Alizai, 2021).

Muslims, being constant subjects of biased and discriminatory behaviors, have lost trust in government institutions and that vulnerable feeling of being attacked has increased due to the rise in hate crimes.

War on Terror has reinforced Muslims’ sense of identity and encouraged political activism aimed at fostering solidarity and unity. Some individuals responded by distancing themselves from Islamic terrorists, emphasizing that these extremists do not represent the majority of Muslims, while some felt isolated, leading to resistance and political radicalization (Cherney and Murphy, 2016).

Moreover, there has been growing mistrust and skepticism towards government and police efforts to combat terrorism, as many Muslims feel that these counterterrorism measures have unfairly targeted and labeled them as part of the suspect community, discouraging their participation in counterterrorism measures.

The Global War on Terror has caused several external and internal injuries among veterans, leading to casualties and future health care impacts. Serious invisible injuries of war have been recognized recently, which include brain injuries that are not apparent on physical examination but can cause serious disabilities.

One such serious injury is Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI). It has been noted that several mild TBI injuries can result in cumulative problems. Thirty-three percent of the patients with combat-related injuries and 60 percent with blast-related injuries had sustained TBI (Baker, 2014).

The growing number of veterans having serious injuries will require special care and resources, putting pressure on the health care services.

Raymond Davis Issue

In 2011, an American diplomat Raymond Davis, reported to be a CIA agent, shot dead two men in Lahore. This case, when investigated, revealed various facts. Raymond Davis accused those two of being robbers who tried to rob him at gunpoint. Certain reports revealed those two men to be ISI agents deployed to spy on Raymond. Certain other investigations revealed them to be robbers who had already committed many such crimes.

This situation dragged on long enough to decide about his prosecution. However, the US succeeded in securing him by claiming he had diplomatic immunity. Resultantly, the case was closed and he was transferred to the US (The Washington Post, 2011).

Osama Bin Laden’s Death

In May 2011, the top Al-Qaeda leader was murdered in an operation launched by American Navy SEALs in Abbottabad city of Pakistan. Pakistan’s military officers claimed it to be a joint operation, but America denied it and claimed that ISI was not informed about this operation.

Pakistan’s intelligence service came under serious criticism for its incompetency in capturing a senior leader within its territory. Pakistan’s army diverted the criticism by accusing America of violating its territorial integrity and threatened to cut off communication lines vital to NATO forces in Afghanistan (Inter-Services Public Relations, 2011).

NATO Supply Disruption

Relations were strained when twenty-four Pakistani soldiers were killed by NATO forces. In response to this unexpected attack, Pakistan asked the US to evacuate its Shamsi Airbase being used in the name of the War on Terror.

The government also stopped the supplies to NATO from being transferred for anti-terrorism purposes in Afghanistan (Dawn, 2012). Resultantly, NATO did not invite Pakistan to a crucial 25th NATO Summit.

Viewing the situation getting graver, Zardari reopened the Afghan borders to continue supplies to the NATO forces and this was responded to by an invitation to Zardari by NATO for the Summit (Dawn, 2012).

The Taliban Takeover

In 2021, a pivotal event took place when the Taliban returned and took over the land of Afghanistan. Ashraf Ghani’s government came to an end and a long American war in Afghanistan finally ended.

Pakistan was again selected by the US to be the strategic ally and provide air bases to the CIA for launching strikes against the Taliban, but this time Pakistan responded with a blunt NO (Dawn, 2012).

This decision from Pakistan was rational as accepting any such request may have given rise to ethnic tensions among Pashtoons and on a very religious brotherhood basis. Moreover, Pakistan supported Afghanistan in establishing peace and prevented any other operation in the name of war from happening in Afghanistan.

This historical insight into the diplomatic relations between Pakistan and the US traces the trajectory of relations. The relations between the two have been relations of interest. The US allied when it needed Pakistan during the Cold War and the War on Terror. Pakistan, for getting economic assistance and assuring defense, constantly struggled to strengthen ties further with the US.

The dynamic graph of relations implies that the US and Pakistan are fair-weather friends and the mistrust between them would increase over time rather than decrease.

Economic and Trade Ties

United States and Pakistan enjoy long-term relations concerning economy and trade. Pakistan and the US have cooperated in a wide range of fields including energy, trade, health, environment, humanitarian crisis, climate change, and clean energy.

The US has long served as Pakistan’s largest export market. There is a long history of foreign direct investments in Pakistan by the US. The US government has organized various business-to-business trade delegations, provided technical assistance, and promoted business opportunities for both American and Pakistani businesses to thrive (U.S. Department of State, 2022).

Bilateral Economic Relations

The US has been one of the largest export markets for Pakistan since the inception of diplomatic relations. The US imported Pakistani goods worth $5 billion in 2021.

For two decades, the US has been the largest foreign direct investor in Pakistan. Recently, this investment has increased by 50 percent more than ever. The major areas of investment include energy, chemical, agriculture, business outsourcing, transportation, and communication.

The US has further strived to deepen its commercial ties with Pakistan by engaging with various state departments and state officials. Both countries have been involved in business climate enhancements (U.S. Embassy in Pakistan, 2022).

USAID and Pakistan

Many private sectors of Pakistan have partnerships with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) for sustainable growth in agriculture and the economy.

USAID investment in Pakistan started almost 60 years ago. This investment started with the project of Indus Basin, Faisalabad Agricultural Institute, and support for a variety of wheat creation.

USAID has played a major part in helping the Pakistani Government modernize the trading system and galvanize the agricultural sector by providing assistance and training to farmers. This has facilitated bilateral trade growth.

USAID has benefited more than 1 million rural households in Pakistan. Approximately $563 million in investment has been made in the private sector of Pakistan. Resultantly, 101,000 new opportunities have been created for the skilled and professionals.

Improved technologies and management practices under USAID have spread across 391,470 hectares. Various other programs under progress include Water Management, Gomal Zam Dam Command and Development Project, and Commercial Law Development Project.

USAID has been playing a crucial role in the agricultural and subsequent economic development of Pakistan (USAID, 2023).

Trade Relations

Since 1947, Pakistan and the US have had fluctuating trade relations. This has been subject to various challenges such as changing alliances, geopolitics, political instability, and many others.

Trade peaked in favorable periods in agriculture, textile, and military. However, Pakistan also had to face a serious blow after the US imposed sanctions on exports to Pakistan.

Pakistan is primarily an agricultural country, with agriculture making up almost 23% of the GDP. It is the most important source of Pakistan’s foreign exchange earnings. A major labor force in Pakistan relies on agriculture for a living.

Cotton and textile account for approximately 54% of the exports of Pakistan, while imports include machinery, grains, minerals, and electric equipment.

Since 2010, Pakistan has witnessed a surge in imports and a decline in exports resulting in all-time high trade deficits worth $36.6 billion in 2018. In the same year, imports crossed $60 billion and exports ranged from $20–23 billion.

The United States is the world’s largest economy with a GDP worth $20.9 trillion in 2018. The US exports mainly machinery, aircraft, vehicles, and electric equipment, which crossed $1.6 trillion in 2018. Its imports were reported to be $2.6 trillion.

The US economy saw a rise in exports by $100 billion in a few years. Pakistan and the US have been long-standing trading partners with mutual trade reaching a high in 2018, crossing $6.8 billion. Thus, Pakistan became the 56th largest trading partner with the US.

Pakistan has always enjoyed a trade surplus with the US (Pakistan Business Council, n.d.).

Security Relations

Pakistan’s foreign policy has always been focused on security and survival because of its geo-strategic location. India in the East and Afghanistan in the West have always been concerns. India is a traditional enemy with Kashmir as the bone of contention, and Afghanistan is an old rival with the Durand Line as the issue of concern.

Pakistan was also very well aware of communism spreading in the North-West and has always remained cautious to secure its borders from the Soviets. Russia has always pushed Afghanistan against Pakistan and questioned its existence.

All these concerns forced Pakistan to form a military alliance with the West to ensure its survival. On the other hand, America has always seen Pakistan as a geo-strategic ally because its terrain and geographical location make it the best defense point for the US against the USSR.

The US has always supplied arms to the NATO forces fighting communism through Pakistan. The US has launched various operations against the USSR using Pakistan’s air bases. Hence, the security relations between the two began in 1947.

Security Relations during the Cold War

Right after gaining independence, Pakistan had to face the serious challenge of joining either security bloc. Keeping in view the vulnerable security condition, Pakistan joined the Western bloc and strengthened its military ties with the US.

Particularly after disappointment from the British Commonwealth and the biased attitude of Moscow, Pakistan was inclined towards the US.

Pakistan and the US entered into a Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement in 1954. Later, Pakistan became a member of SEATO to contain the communist spread in the region. In 1955, Pakistan became a member of the Baghdad Pact and in 1959 Pakistan and the US signed a security pact assuring Pakistan protection from any foreign aggression.

In 1957, the US provided Pakistan with military hardware, tanks, helicopters, bombers, long-range radars, Ghazi submarines, and material for building nuclear infrastructure. In return, the US demanded to set up an intelligence center in Pakistan to closely monitor the USSR.

This also led to Pakistan assisting the US in the U-2 spy mission. Following the Sino-Indian War of 1962 and Indo-Pak War of 1965, the security pact came under suspicion as the US backed off from providing support to Pakistan and Chinese military relations with Pakistan began to surge.

Pakistan faced economic and military sanctions following the Indo-Pak wars of 1965 and 1971, which was a major blow to Pakistan’s economy. Growing Pakistan-China economic and defense relations put strain on Pakistan’s relations with the US (Sunawar & Coutto, 2015).

Security Relations Post-Cold War

When the Era of the Cold War came to an end and the USSR was on the verge of disintegration, the US’s strategic interest in Pakistan was also lost to some extent. Yet, the US focused on maintaining strong military ties with Pakistan because some Soviet troops were still a source of concern for Pakistan.

President Bush assured to provide $380 million in economic aid and $240 million in military aid to Pakistan for the fiscal year of 1990-91 (Ottaway, 1989). However, after the communist forces were completely removed from Afghanistan, Pakistan became worthless to the US.

The US suspended $700 million aid to Pakistan and applied the Pressler Amendment in 1990 in the wake of Pakistan’s nuclear intentions. All the military training programs were suspended and the purchase of F-16s was restricted. The military equipment to be sent to the US by Pakistan for reparation was put under embargo.

All these restrictions made Pakistan face an all-time low in military and economic aid from the US since 1950 (Sattar, 2010). To revive the security relations, Pakistan had to align its policies regarding Saudi Arabia and Iraq with those of the US. Pakistan sided with the US in the Gulf War after which some restrictions under the Pressler Amendment were lifted.

The Security Relations During 9/11

The relations revived after 9/11 as Pakistan was again a good strategic defense point for the US against the Taliban for two reasons, i.e., one for being the most powerful Muslim country in the region and the other for being close to the Taliban geographically.

The US Deputy Secretary sent ISI a list of requirements that the US expected from Pakistan. These included:

  1. To stop any logistic supply to Osama Bin Laden and stop the operation of Al-Qaeda at the Pak-Afghan border.

  2. Allow the US to fly over and land in Pakistan territories to fight against terrorism.

  3. To provide intelligence to the US.

  4. Allow the US and the allies to be in Pakistani territory.

  5. To publicly condemn terrorism.

  6. Terminate relations with the Taliban Government to protect Osama Bin Laden.

Pakistan under the leadership of Musharraf at once accepted as these would help Pakistan rebuild its economy, which had been shattered due to sanctions, gain its reputation back, and strengthen its defense (National Commission on Terrorist Attack, 2004).

All the restrictions and sanctions imposed on Pakistan were lifted. Even Pakistan was provided with loans and grants and facilitated by debt extension programs. All types of military and humanitarian aid began to flow to Pakistan (Epstein & Kronstadt, 2013).

Pakistan extended full support to the US in its Global War on Terror and assisted the US in Operation Enduring Freedom. In return, Pakistan was granted the status of non-NATO ally by President Bush in 2004.

Post Bush Era

The Kerry Lugar Act of 2010 created dissent among the Pakistani military as the socio-economic aid to be provided under this sector would certainly make the defense sector suffer. Hence, Obama reviewed the situation and increased security relations with Pakistan.

Resultantly, the total military aid from the US to Pakistan increased from $517 million in 2008 to $1,277 million in 2011 (Najam, 2009).

Pakistan had to face certain suspicions from the US after a series of terrorist attacks by the Haqqani Network on the US embassy, NATO forces, and Pakistan’s naval bases. Moreover, Osama bin Laden’s presence in Pakistani territory questioned the intelligence capabilities of Pakistan.

Furthermore, the US attack on Salala and drone attacks in Pakistan’s territory without consent sparked insecurities. Yet, the relations have been restored as Obama and Trump realized the importance of Pakistan as a strategic ally.

US Foreign Aid and Development Impact

Foreign aid refers to financial and technical assistance provided by developed countries to developing and underdeveloped countries to help advance their social and economic development.

In late 2005 and early 2006, discussions within the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) initiated regarding future dimensions of foreign aid, including reevaluating key policy themes and foreign aid effectiveness (Picard & Groelsema, 2015).

Traditionally, aid has been delivered through central governments. This approach has been criticized because it is viewed as a means of leading to state weakness in less developed countries. Nevertheless, local governments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and the private sector have proven to be efficient in delivering social services.

The question of the effectiveness of foreign aid is one of the most controversial among scholars. There are some who believe that official assistance is not effective and has caused harm to less developed countries by creating dependency, fostering currency overvaluation, and stimulating corruption. Others believe that large foreign assistance can help less developed countries reduce poverty.

However, United States foreign aid has impacted economic development, but its effectiveness varies widely across regions and over time. US foreign aid has helped less developed countries by providing financial resources, technical expertise, and supporting infrastructural projects essential for growth, facilitating market access, trade, and economic integration in recipient countries.

Its effectiveness is questioned because of potential dependency, which impedes local resource utilization and economic reforms (Edwards, 2015). This aid often faces challenges including geopolitical considerations that prioritize strategic interests over developmental needs.

Moreover, corruption is another challenge. Especially when aid is funneled through central governments and lacks sufficient supervision, it can be misused or diverted, reducing its intended impact on economic development.

Foreign aid, especially from the United States, has a diverse impact on social development in recipient countries. US foreign aid programs have helped countries improve healthcare, such as the prevention of AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria through various initiatives.

It has helped advance educational facilities by funding school construction, teacher training, and scholarship programs. However, various factors have impeded social development.

Aid dependence can lead to economic volatility and uncertainty, causing households to delay or reduce spending on long-term investments such as education and health as they try to smooth consumption (Nourou, 2014).

This instability can sometimes cause environmental degradation as governments bypass environmental norms in order to overcome economic instability and maintain public expenditure.

Moreover, the substitution effect between aid and public sector spending reduces government efforts and roles in achieving development goals, leading to inefficiencies and lack of sustainability in social programs.

US Efforts in Promoting Human Rights and Democracy

Promoting democracy remained a top priority of the United States since World War I, although this priority has varied in intensity across different administrations.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt highlighted the link between the survival of global democracies and the safety of United States democracy. However, during the Cold War era, human rights and democracy were often overlooked due to sovereignty concerns and strategic interests.

The end of the Cold War reinforced the promotion of human rights and democracy, with the Bush and Clinton administrations making them top foreign policy objectives. Clinton, in particular, emphasized the promotion of market-based democracies.

The 9/11 attacks of 2001 further intensified efforts to promote democracy and human rights, with President George W. Bush’s 2002 National Security Strategy emphasizing freedom and democratic institutions in bilateral relations.

Between 1990 and 2005, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) spent approximately $8.47 billion across 120 countries on democracy and governance assistance, representing three percent of the total foreign aid budget (Mammadov, 2011). This demonstrates the US commitment to fostering democratic values and promoting human rights worldwide.

The United States operates through various multilateral institutions and informal groupings to foster human rights and democracy. In the years following World War II, the United States and other democracies sought to integrate democracy into multilateral institutions including the World Bank (1944), United Nations (1945), NATO (1949), OSCE (1975), and EU (1993).

To some extent, the founders of these institutions made democracy and human rights norms part of their operating frameworks, establishing a link between these norms and social and economic benefits, thereby encouraging countries to meet democratic standards (Weber, 2024).

Over time, specialized institutions have been developed to promote democracy and human rights through monitoring, public reporting, and technical assistance. These include UN and regional human rights bodies, international tribunals such as the International Criminal Court, the Community of Democracies, the Open Government Partnership, the Media Freedom Coalition, and the Freedom Online Coalition, among others.

The US has long prioritized democracy and human rights through its foreign assistance programs, as outlined in the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. This Act stresses civil, political, and economic rights, anti-corruption measures, transparency, and the strengthening of democratic institutions.

Congress allocates approximately $2.5 billion annually through the State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs (SFOPS) appropriations bills to support democracy programs, including good governance, fair elections, human rights, and free media.

The US Agency for International Development (USAID) and the Department of State manage these resources. The Biden Administration’s 2022 National Security Strategy highlights the strategic importance of supporting universal human rights and democracy to counter authoritarianism and promote a free, secure, and prosperous world.

Congress also funds the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a private nonprofit organization that awards grants to advance democracy globally while operating with relative independence from direct US government control (Weber, 2024).

This funding approach allows democracy programs to be implemented in countries where other forms of foreign assistance might be restricted.

Regional Dynamics of Pakistan-USA Relations

South Asia holds a significant position in the world; it has remained the focal point for powers seeking to maintain their supremacy over the international structure. Pakistan enjoys an important geostrategic position in South Asia, having a direct influence over the neighboring regions of the Middle East, Central Asia, and East Asia. This strategic significance continues to intensify the interests of major powers in Pakistan.

At the time of its inception, the world was divided into two blocs. The vulnerabilities of Pakistan allowed it to join the Western Bloc to counterbalance India and fulfill its needs. The differences between the two newly independent states of Pakistan and India entered a new phase when both nations tilted towards opposite blocs. This resulted in a significant change in South Asian regional dynamics.

The US interests in Pakistan during the Cold War period were primarily driven by containing the spread of communism. For this purpose, it provided Pakistan with aid in defense and economic sectors. On the other hand, defense and military cooperation between India and the USSR intensified tensions between Pakistan and India, with both nations aiming to maintain the status quo and engaging in an arms race, resulting in the wars of 1948, 1965, and 1971.

The relations between Pakistan and the US were mostly dependent upon regional politics and US interests. Another phase of destabilization in the region began when the Soviets entered Afghanistan in 1979. Pakistan, with the support of the US, trained the Taliban to fight back the Soviets.

The war in Afghanistan had a drastic impact on the region. After the Soviet withdrawal, a decade-long civil war in Afghanistan resulted in the emergence of terrorism that affected the whole world, especially the South Asian region.

During this entire period, the closeness of the US and Pakistan resulted in the emergence of new issues and conflicts in the region, while existing issues such as the Kashmir dispute, the issue of Bangladesh, the Sino-India War of 1962, and the Afghan refugee crisis were not addressed in the manner they required (Jaspal, 2007).

Post-Cold War Regional Dynamics

The post-Cold War dynamics of South Asia are characterized by shifts in alliances, Indo-Pak rivalries, and the emergence of issues such as terrorism.

The disintegration of the USSR in 1991 altered the bipolar world order into a unipolar one, which also shifted the regional dynamics of South Asia. After fulfilling its interests, the US gradually stepped back, and relations between Pakistan and the US entered a new phase.

The US imposed sanctions on Pakistan through the Pressler Amendment, banning economic and military assistance until 2001. Following the attacks of 9/11, the United States required Pakistan’s cooperation to combat terrorism. Consequently, sanctions were lifted, and under the leadership of Musharraf, Pakistan extended full support to the US-led War on Terror.

The number of operations in the FATA region along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border destabilized the area and intensified security concerns among regional states. This alliance provided the US with an opportunity to increase its influence throughout South Asia, with states shaping their domestic and foreign policies under the influence of the superpower.

Moving towards 2010, China’s membership in the WTO diversified access to Chinese markets. Internationally, the emergence of China as a regional power again affected alliances both regionally and globally.

The Biden administration generally inherited the Indo-Pacific Strategy, confirming intense competition with China and recommitting to alliances and partnerships. Pakistan and China have maintained friendly relations, particularly since Bhutto’s era.

Pakistan supported China’s membership in the United Nations, and China has consistently supported Pakistan regarding the Kashmir issue. In contrast, Washington’s relations with China remained strained initially over Taiwan and Tibet, while the rapid growth of the Chinese economy compelled the US to revise its policies regarding South Asia.

Pakistan and China entered into numerous development projects, and the growing closeness between the two countries led the US to seek another regional ally capable of counterbalancing China. India appeared to be the most suitable option, as it already had several disputes with both neighboring countries.

This shift in South Asian strategic alliances contributed to instability and nuclear proliferation. The continuous efforts of Pakistan and India to counterbalance each other’s nuclear capabilities intensified the risk of nuclear confrontation.

The issue of Indian-sponsored terrorism in different regions of Pakistan further destabilized Pakistani society. Awareness of Indian tactics and the perceived silence of the United States highlight what the author describes as a realistic and biased approach by the hegemonic power (Akram, 2023).

The United States’ withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021, after nearly two decades, changed the trajectory of relations between Pakistan and the US as well as alliances in the Indo-Pacific region.

The post-withdrawal environment transformed the factors that previously formed the basis of relations between the two countries. The United States now seeks to influence the region not through counter-terrorism efforts but within the broader framework of great-power competition.

China’s consistent growth in economic, technological, infrastructural, trade, and commercial sectors has increasingly shaped South Asia. Pakistan has attempted to maintain a neutral foreign policy, but the close nature of Pakistan-China relations remains difficult for the United States to overlook (Akbar, 2015).

Although the US has maintained friendly relations with India, it has also preserved a positive approach toward Pakistan due to Pakistan’s strategic location and relevance in the context of China.

South Asian regional dynamics can now be viewed from a significantly different perspective. The US withdrawal from Afghanistan created a power vacuum for regional actors such as Russia, China, and India, while leaving the Taliban in power amidst intensified domestic challenges and security threats throughout the region.

The absence of major common interests between Pakistan and the US after the withdrawal, coupled with China’s emergence as a regional power, has reshaped regional alliances.

China’s efforts to establish close ties with Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Central Asian states are visible through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In January 2023, the Taliban renewed a previously signed contract with China’s Xinjiang Central Asian Petroleum and Gas Cooperation.

China’s primary objective is to stabilize Afghanistan for both regional and national security purposes. Meanwhile, the United States and India are making efforts to counter China’s interests in the region.

Additionally, Moscow’s increasing interest in Afghanistan raises further security concerns in South Asia. The possibility of recruiting former Afghan soldiers to fight in Ukraine could create additional challenges for the United States.

South Asia is now influenced by four nuclear powers, with increasing competition between China and the United States and continued rivalry between Pakistan and India. The perceived support of the US for India as a means to counterbalance China has intensified already strained Pakistan-India relations and increased concerns regarding the possibility of large-scale conflict in the region (Jabeen, 2023).

Role of Pakistani Diaspora in the US

The Pakistani diaspora in the United States significantly and intricately impacts the American economy. Over the years, this community has proven to be an important force across numerous sectors, contributing to innovation, economic growth, and cultural diversity.

One of the primary ways in which the Pakistani diaspora affects the American economy is through entrepreneurship. Numerous Pakistani Americans have established successful businesses ranging from startups to multinational corporations, generating employment opportunities and stimulating economic growth.

Real estate ventures, restaurants, retail businesses, and technology companies are among the notable examples. The entrepreneurial spirit of Pakistani Americans not only strengthens local economies but also encourages innovation and competition.

The Pakistani diaspora is also highly represented in professional fields such as healthcare, engineering, information technology, finance, and academia.

Doctors, engineers, IT specialists, and financial analysts of Pakistani origin make substantial contributions to their respective professions. For example, a large number of Pakistani-American physicians serve within the American healthcare system, providing critical medical services and contributing to advancements in healthcare delivery.

Similarly, Pakistani-American engineers and information technology professionals occupy important positions within major technology companies and contribute significantly to technological innovation and development.

The academic and research contributions of Pakistani Americans are equally noteworthy. Numerous scientists and researchers of Pakistani origin work at respected universities and research institutions throughout the United States.

Their contributions enrich knowledge and drive innovation across disciplines including science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and the social sciences. These scholarly achievements strengthen American intellectual capital and contribute to policy development and societal progress.

The economy of Pakistan also benefits significantly from remittances sent by members of the Pakistani diaspora residing in the United States. These financial inflows help support families, finance healthcare and education, and contribute to economic development within Pakistan.

The economic connectivity created through these remittances demonstrates the global impact of the diaspora’s activities.

Additionally, Pakistani Americans actively participate in philanthropic initiatives benefiting both Pakistan and the United States. Many engage in charitable organizations, community service programs, and initiatives that improve healthcare, education, and social services.

This charitable involvement strengthens community relationships and enhances the social and economic fabric of American society.

In summary, the Pakistani diaspora contributes significantly to the American economy through entrepreneurship, professional expertise, academic research, and philanthropy. Their diverse contributions foster innovation and economic growth while strengthening cultural and economic ties between Pakistan and the United States (Fatima, 2018).

Future of Bilateral Relations within Global Strategies

The future of Pakistan-United States relations depends largely upon their historical relationship, national interests, and the evolving dynamics of international and regional alliances.

The United States has historically been an important provider of economic and military assistance to Pakistan. Regardless of the strategic calculations behind these relations, Pakistan has benefited from billions of dollars in US assistance that contributed to its economic and social development.

Similarly, Pakistan has often supported Washington’s regional objectives, sometimes at significant cost. Based on historical patterns, both countries are likely to continue seeking a functional relationship.

Pakistan currently faces several vulnerabilities, including climate change, economic instability, natural disasters, and energy shortages. These challenges encourage Pakistan to maintain engagement with its former ally.

Likewise, the United States remains committed to assisting Pakistan in addressing many of these challenges. For Washington, Pakistan’s long-term stability is closely connected to cooperation on health, economic development, climate resilience, and regional security (Naseer, 2024).

The commitments of both countries include expanding bilateral trade beyond $9 billion, implementing the seven-year Trade and Investment Agreement signed in June 2023, advancing a Green Alliance Framework to address climate challenges, promoting renewable energy, improving water management, supporting climate-smart agriculture, and strengthening initiatives such as the Punjab–California State Sister Agreement.

Additional cooperation includes humanitarian assistance, flood recovery funding, investment in the Mangla Dam rehabilitation project, support for science and technology initiatives, funding for LUMS electric vehicle projects, and educational programs such as the Fulbright Program, which remains one of the largest US-funded scholarship initiatives globally.

The United States also envisions future cooperation with Pakistan in areas such as counter-terrorism, counter-narcotics, anti-human trafficking efforts, border security, and support for a peaceful Afghanistan.

Viewed solely from the perspective of bilateral engagement, the future of relations between Islamabad and Washington appears positive (The Future of U.S.-Pakistan Relations, 2024).

However, national interests and regional realities reveal several areas of divergence.

After President Clinton promoted India as a major regional security partner, the United States increasingly shifted strategic attention from Pakistan toward India in pursuit of broader regional objectives.

This evolving partnership has strengthened India in areas including advanced military technology, defense capabilities, economic development, and strategic influence. The depth of US-India relations is often cited as evident in Washington’s approach toward India’s acquisition of Russian military equipment, including the S-400 missile system.

These developments have generated security concerns in both Pakistan and China. Issues such as Kashmir, alleged Indian-sponsored militancy, and insurgencies in Balochistan and Azad Kashmir are viewed by some Pakistani analysts as areas where US policies have not aligned with Pakistan’s expectations.

The situation in Afghanistan after the Taliban takeover also remains a major concern. Pakistan continues to face security challenges along its western border and seeks to maintain stable relations with Afghanistan while taking measures against cross-border terrorism.

Pakistan’s efforts to integrate Afghanistan and Central Asian states into broader regional development projects do not always align with Washington’s policies toward Afghanistan.

Consequently, Pakistan has sought to maintain close relations with Russia and China as part of a broader strategy to counterbalance regional threats and pursue both national and collective regional interests (Akram, 2023).

InIn conclusion, it is crucial for Pakistan to prioritize strategic alignment that serves its national

interests optimally. While maintaining ties with the United States, particularly in areas like counter-terrorism, trade, and renewable energy, Pakistan shouldn’t jeopardize its robust partnership with China. Emphasizing the importance of a long-term alliance with China, which is of utmost importance for Pakistan to counterbalance its threats, as China has a clear stance of supporting Pakistan over the Kashmir issue. Secondly, China’s emergence as the world’s top economy and regional superiority might mold Pakistan’s policy more in favor of China, and it would be a good futuristic approach to not compromise relations with China for the sake of short-term technical gains from the USA. However, balancing a neutral foreign policy by Pakistan would be a good choice for pursuing interests in the emerging multipolar global order.

Methodology

The mixed approach has been used to articulate complex dynamics of relation between United States of America and Pakistan. To comprehend the official position and policies of both countries, primary sources such as speeches, official papers and diplomatic correspondence were examined.

Expert assessments, books and scholarly articles as secondary sources offer interpretive and contextual information. To provide a thorough picture of the economic effects of US-Pakistan relations, quantitative data were utilized to evaluate trade relations, military assistance and economic developments of both nations.

The analysis of primary sources of information and secondary data is done through qualitative means to give an in-depth analysis and overview of the relations between two states.

Analysis/Discussions

Pak-US relations are driven by strategic, political, and economic interests. Pakistan aligned its foreign policy with the US in order to survive the imminent threat of the Soviets during the Cold War period and defend its integrity against its traditional enemy India.

The US inclined towards Pakistan to prevent communist expansion and maintain its influence in the South Asian region. Pakistan has been in a state of confusion as the indifferent behavior of the US after the end of the Cold War disappointed Pakistan. However, Pakistan remains one of the most important elements in the foreign policy of the US because of its geo-strategic significance.

Despite rifts in relations, Pakistan and the US cooperated extensively in trade, economy, education, culture, society, environment, climate, and humanitarian crises.

The entire discussion regarding bilateral relations between the US and Pakistan discloses the fact that this friendship is a fair-weather friendship, as both countries ally when confronted with a common enemy and split when interests clash.

However, a point to be considered is that the US has often seen Pakistan through the lens of a marionette because the US exercises considerable influence in the domestic politics of Pakistan. Moreover, at various phases, Pakistan’s foreign policy has been shaped to serve the interests of the US.

Indirectly, it can be assumed that Pakistan has often been exploited by the US and has compromised its sovereignty.

The relations between the two states have always impacted South Asian regional security and alliances. Thus, taking into account the regional dynamics and the resulting impacts, Pakistan should prioritize its national and regional interests accordingly.

For securing these interests, Pakistan might have to choose between the two major powers operating in the region, and for Pakistan, choosing Beijing over the United States may be considered in its best interests.

Now the debate centers on whether India alone is sufficient for the United States to pursue its goals of containing China and Russia and maintaining influence over the region, or whether it may need Pakistan in the same way it did in the past.

At the same time, policymakers of both states should seek additional common interests to foster closer ties with one another.

Conclusion

Bilateral relations between Pakistan and the US are mercurial, driven by respective interests. The changing graph of relations implies that predicting a constant future for both states is impossible.

As the world order changes with multiple powers emerging, particularly China, the behavior of both Pakistan and the US will also continue to evolve.

Strategic, political, and economic interests have interacted in a complex and dynamic manner in bilateral relations between the US and Pakistan, which have been greatly influenced by regional and international developments.

Both countries have navigated a number of alliances and disagreements since the establishment of relations in 1947, largely driven by geopolitical imperatives and shared strategic goals.

Historically, the relationship between the United States and Pakistan has witnessed periods of close cooperation and significant friction. During the Cold War, Pakistan aligned itself with the United States to counter the Soviet threat and address security concerns related to India.

The United States, in return, provided substantial economic and military assistance. Following the events of 9/11 and the subsequent War on Terror, Pakistan once again became central to US strategic objectives, particularly regarding counter-terrorism cooperation.

Despite extensive financial and military assistance, the relationship has frequently been characterized by mistrust and divergent interests.

Pakistan has at times felt that its sovereignty was undermined and that it was being exploited by the United States due to the scrutiny of its domestic politics and the demands associated with counter-terrorism efforts.

The relationship dynamics became even more complicated following the withdrawal of US military forces from Afghanistan in 2021.

China has emerged as a vital partner for Pakistan due to its support on key issues such as Kashmir and its growing status as a major global economic power.

Consequently, Pakistan faces the complex challenge of maintaining a balanced foreign policy that effectively utilizes its relations with both China and the United States to safeguard its national and regional interests.

Looking ahead, broader regional and international developments will likely continue to shape US-Pakistan relations. Given changing US priorities and the rise of China, Pakistan must adopt a more strategic approach in managing its external relations.

Prioritizing a strategic alignment that best supports Pakistan’s national interests is imperative.

Pakistan must maintain a neutral and well-balanced foreign policy in order to navigate the emerging multipolar world order successfully. Such an approach will allow Pakistan to pursue its objectives effectively while minimizing the risks associated with excessive dependence on any single major power.

Furthermore, Pakistan’s efforts to integrate Afghanistan and the Central Asian States into collective regional development initiatives align with its broader strategic objectives and can serve as a buffer against regional threats, particularly those emerging from its eastern and western borders.

In conclusion, evolving geopolitical realities and shifting strategic priorities explain the fluctuating nature of bilateral relations between the United States and Pakistan.

The ups and downs of their partnership throughout history highlight how difficult it is to match national interests in a world that is changing quickly. 

References

Authors